國際頂刊撰文：“中歐就像一對(duì)結(jié)婚五十年的老夫妻”

編者按：2026年初，歐洲多國元首相繼訪華，高層互動(dòng)頻密。此輪外交熱潮的背景，正延續(xù)著2025年中歐建交50周年所開啟的對(duì)話新氣象。中國人民大學(xué)重陽金融研究院院長、全球領(lǐng)導(dǎo)力學(xué)院院長王文在國際期刊雜志《外交世界》（Diplomatic World）撰文指出，中歐亟需一場認(rèn)知層面的“重啟”。雙方的共性遠(yuǎn)大于分歧，不應(yīng)讓輿論差異阻礙必要合作，應(yīng)將對(duì)方視為伙伴關(guān)系、發(fā)展機(jī)遇與友誼的源泉，而非沖突或零和博弈的對(duì)手。

▲原文發(fā)表于《外交世界》（Diplomatic World）中歐外交關(guān)系建立50周年紀(jì)念特刊

柏林飛到紐約要多久？九個(gè)多小時(shí)，飛越茫茫大洋。柏林飛到北京呢？九小時(shí)五分鐘——是的，中國遠(yuǎn)比大多數(shù)歐洲人想象中更近。

但對(duì)許多歐洲人而言，中國依然顯得“遙不可及”，是一片遠(yuǎn)在重洋之外的神秘土地。我認(rèn)為這種距離感并非地理上的，而是心理上的，既不合時(shí)宜，也錯(cuò)置了焦點(diǎn)。

在中歐正式建交50周年之際，我們有必要叩問：橫亙于雙方之間的鴻溝，是否真如外界渲染的那般深不可測？

中歐同屬悠久文明的傳承者，都崇尚包容性社會(huì)，奉行獨(dú)立自主的外交政策，致力于走低碳發(fā)展道路。雙方都反對(duì)利用關(guān)稅扭曲全球貿(mào)易，都支持以《聯(lián)合國憲章》為基礎(chǔ)的多邊秩序，也都渴望實(shí)現(xiàn)持久和平。更重要的是，中歐之間不存在邊界爭端、軍事駐扎、政治依附或經(jīng)濟(jì)從屬關(guān)系。

這種相對(duì)平等的狀態(tài)，挑戰(zhàn)了那種將雙方置于根本對(duì)立面的流行敘事。從歷史維度看，“東西方割裂論”其實(shí)被過度夸大了——且往往是雙方共同夸大的結(jié)果。

在人與思想流動(dòng)速度空前的今天，或許我們正需要開啟一個(gè)重新認(rèn)識(shí)彼此的新階段。

在我看來，中歐就像一對(duì)結(jié)婚五十年的老夫妻，整天吵吵鬧鬧，卻渾然不覺彼此已大不相同，也忘了彼此之間依然有許多共同點(diǎn)。雙方顯然需要以嶄新目光重新打量對(duì)方，開啟新的篇章。

在此謹(jǐn)建議歐洲在三大關(guān)鍵領(lǐng)域更新對(duì)華認(rèn)知：

第一，中國已非昔日經(jīng)濟(jì)弱國

50年間，中國已成為歐盟最大貿(mào)易伙伴。1978年中國GDP不足歐洲經(jīng)濟(jì)共同體的6%，到2024年已達(dá)18.7萬億美元，逼近歐盟的19.4萬億美元。若按購買力平價(jià)計(jì)算，中國經(jīng)濟(jì)規(guī)模已是歐洲的1.4倍。如今中歐貿(mào)易額突破7800億美元，支撐著約300萬個(gè)歐洲就業(yè)崗位，雙向投資從近乎為零躍升至近2600億美元。無論是寧德時(shí)代在圖林根的電池工廠、比亞迪在匈牙利的新能源乘用車生產(chǎn)基地，還是TCL在波蘭的制造基地，都在為歐洲創(chuàng)造實(shí)實(shí)在在的效益。

第二，中國正經(jīng)歷快速城市化與科技崛起

半個(gè)世紀(jì)前，中國約九成人口居住在農(nóng)村；如今城鎮(zhèn)化率已近70%。無論是北京、上海、深圳、成都、廣州、重慶這些常住人口超2000萬的超大城市，還是全國105個(gè)人口過百萬的城市，其公共安全、街道整潔度與交通效率皆可與歐洲城市比肩。過去十年中國科技投入持續(xù)增長，在人工智能、大數(shù)據(jù)、物聯(lián)網(wǎng)、云計(jì)算、區(qū)塊鏈等領(lǐng)域已躋身全球引領(lǐng)者行列。中歐技術(shù)代差正在縮小，兩地科學(xué)家日益開展平等協(xié)作。許多中國人將生活質(zhì)量的提升歸功于此，他們依然敬重歐洲作為技術(shù)先驅(qū)的歷史遺產(chǎn)，同時(shí)駁斥關(guān)于人權(quán)與竊取知識(shí)產(chǎn)權(quán)的指控。

第三，中國軍力增強(qiáng)但無意扮演全球警察

作為世界第二大經(jīng)濟(jì)體，中國軍費(fèi)開支亦居全球第二。中國持續(xù)發(fā)展航母、洲際導(dǎo)彈、核潛艇、無人機(jī)、北斗衛(wèi)星導(dǎo)航系統(tǒng)和第六代戰(zhàn)機(jī)等軍事能力，旨在避免百年前瀕臨“殖民地化”與亡國的屈辱歷史重演，并消除20世紀(jì)60年代美蘇核訛詐的威脅。西方批評(píng)者常忽視的是：基于自身歷史經(jīng)驗(yàn)，中國始終警惕軍國主義陷阱——無論是20世紀(jì)30年代的納粹德國與日本，還是21世紀(jì)美國的對(duì)外軍事干預(yù)，都是前車之鑒。

“家不和，則不立”。每個(gè)軍事強(qiáng)國都追求國家統(tǒng)一與安全，正如19世紀(jì)60年代的林肯、19世紀(jì)70年代的俾斯麥和20世紀(jì)80年代的撒切爾夫人所為。中國仍是唯一未實(shí)現(xiàn)完全統(tǒng)一的主要經(jīng)濟(jì)體。中國致力于和平統(tǒng)一，但絕不容忍外部勢力干涉。某些歐洲輿論對(duì)中國臺(tái)灣問題的炒作，反而助長了中國的民族主義情緒。盡管如此，中國復(fù)興進(jìn)程將繼續(xù)推進(jìn)，堅(jiān)持和平統(tǒng)一方針，同時(shí)不承諾放棄使用武力。

一個(gè)強(qiáng)大的中國不會(huì)成為全球不穩(wěn)定因素。中國從未輸出難民、戰(zhàn)爭、災(zāi)難或恐怖主義，反而持續(xù)提供商品、投資、游客、技術(shù)，并以公平正義的承諾制衡霸權(quán)力量。試想：若無中國對(duì)美國關(guān)稅的對(duì)等反制，美國會(huì)暫停對(duì)他國加稅嗎？若無中國推動(dòng)貿(mào)易自由化與多邊低關(guān)稅政策，歐洲的抵抗能否奏效？若無中國持續(xù)踐行氣候承諾，歐洲數(shù)十年來倡導(dǎo)的低碳未來還有多少分量？

顯然，當(dāng)前中歐正面臨日益不確定的全球格局。我們未來的關(guān)系必須超越“合作伙伴、競爭者、制度性對(duì)手”這種先入為主的“三重定位”，轉(zhuǎn)向聚焦人類進(jìn)步、國家發(fā)展與社會(huì)福祉的務(wù)實(shí)合作。對(duì)中國而言，歐洲不應(yīng)再被簡單歸入“西方”概念，而應(yīng)正視其戰(zhàn)略自主性與獨(dú)特價(jià)值。

中國應(yīng)充分認(rèn)識(shí)歐洲在全球產(chǎn)業(yè)鏈中的關(guān)鍵作用：德國的汽車機(jī)械與化工醫(yī)療設(shè)備、法國的核能與航空航天、英國的生物醫(yī)藥與金融服務(wù)、荷蘭的農(nóng)業(yè)科技與環(huán)保技術(shù)等。在這些高端領(lǐng)域的合作，將有力增進(jìn)雙方戰(zhàn)略互信。長期以來，歐洲既是中國經(jīng)濟(jì)競爭者，也是塑造多極化國際秩序的重要伙伴，更是全球議題的關(guān)鍵利益攸關(guān)方。

簡言之，中歐亟需一場認(rèn)知層面的“重啟”。我們必須承認(rèn)彼此的共性遠(yuǎn)大于分歧，不應(yīng)讓輿論差異阻礙必要合作。雙方應(yīng)將對(duì)方視為伙伴關(guān)系、發(fā)展機(jī)遇與友誼的源泉，而非沖突或零和博弈的對(duì)手。

2025年5月的發(fā)展態(tài)勢令人鼓舞：中歐議會(huì)間交流限制解除后，立法機(jī)構(gòu)交往全面重啟，預(yù)示著更深層的理解與合作。這將幫助雙方化解猜疑，走向持續(xù)健康穩(wěn)定的發(fā)展道路。

英文原文

China and Europe are more aligned than they think

Wang Wen

Ever flown from Berlin to New York? It takes nine hours and 10 minutes, over an ocean. Berlin to Beijing? Take a guess. Nine hours, five minutes. In other words, China is closer than most Europeans might think.

Yet for many Europeans, China still feels "out there," a far away mystical land, separated by more than oceans and continents.

I submit this distance is psychological, not geographical. And it is as anachronistic as it is misplaced.

After 50 years of formal diplomatic relations, It is worth asking whether the perceived gulf between China and Europe is really as vast as, it's made out to be.

Both sides are heirs to long civilization traditions, value inclusive societies, maintain independent foreign policies and pursue low-carbon development.Both oppose the use of tariffs to distort global trade and support a multilateral order based on the UN Charter. Both aspire to lasting peace.

Mare importantly,there is no border dispute,military garrison, political dependence or economic subordination between China and Europe.

These conditions of relative equality challenge the popular narrative that the two are fundamentally opposed. Historically the East-West divide has been overstated, and by both sides.

At a time when people and ideas move faster than ever, perhaps it is time for a new phase of mutual recognition.

Personally, I see China and Europe more like an old couple who have been married for 50 years. They bicker away and nag each other without noticing how much they have both changed - or how much they still share.

To a more objective observer, It is obvious that both sides need to look at each other with fresh eyes and start anew.

I humbly suggest that Europe needs to adjust its understanding of China in three key areas.

FIRST, CHINA IS NO LONGER ECONOMICALLYWEAK

In 50 years, China has become the EU's largest trading partner in 1978 China's GDP was less than 6 percent of that of the European Economic Community. By2024,it reached USD18.7 trillion- near the EU's USD 19.4 trillion. Measured by purchasing power,China's economy is 1.4 times larger than Europe's.

EU-China trade now exceeds USD 780 billion, supporting an estimated three million European jobs. Two-way investment has grown from almost zero to nearly USD260 billion. The CATL battery factory in Thuringia, Germany, BYD's new energy passenger car production base in Hungary and TCL's manufacturing base in Poland are all benefiting Europe.

SECOND, CHINA HAS RAPIDLY URBANISED ANDINVESTED IN TECHNOLOGY

Fifty years ago, about 90 percent of China's population lived in rural areas. Today, nearly 70 percent live in cities. Whether in megacities like Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Chengdu, Guangzhou or Chongqing -each with populations over 20 million - or in one of China's 105 cities with more than one million residents,public safety, clean streets and efficient transportation are on par with cities in Europe.

Over the past decade, China's investment in science and technology has steadily increased, with the country emerging as a global leader in fields such as Artificial Intelligence (Al), big data, the Internet of Things, cloud computing and blockchain. As a result,the technology gap between China and Europe is narrowing. Scientists in both regions are increasingly collaborating as equals.

Many Chinese credit this progress with improving quality of life and continue to respect Europe's legacy as.a technological pioneer, while rejecting accusations related to human rights and intellectual property theft.

THIRD, CHINA IS MILITARILY STRONGER BUTDOES NOT SEEK TO ACT AS A GLOBAL POLICE-MAN INVOLVED IN ENDLESS CONFLICTS

As the world's second-largest economy, China is the second-largest military spender. China continues to advance its military capabilities, developing aircraft carriers, intercontinental missiles, nuclear submarines, drones, the Beidou satellite navigation system and sixth-generation aircraft. These efforts aim to prevent a repeat of the historical humiliations of near-colonization and near-extermination a century ago, and to eliminate the threat of nuclear blackmail China faced from the United States and the Soviet Union during the 1960s. What Western critics often ignore is that, due to its own historical experiences, China has consistently avoided the pitfalls of militarism. The experiences of Germany under Adolf Hitler and imperial Japan during the 1930s,as well as the United States' military interventions in the 21st century, serve as cautionary examples.

"A house divided against itself cannot stand."Every military power pursues national unity and security, not just as Abraham Lincoln in the 1860s, Otto von Bismarck in the 1870s and Margret Thatcher in the 1980s. China remains the only major economy without full national unity.

Beijing is committed to peaceful reunification with Taiwan but will not tolerate external interference in that process. Some European commentary on Taiwan fuels nationalist resentment in China. Despite this, China's national rejuvenation continues, pursuing peaceful reunification while not ruling out the use of force.

A strong China is not a source of global instability. It has not exported refugees, wars, disasters or terrorists. Instead, it has contributed goods, investment, tourists, technology and a commitment to fairness and justice as a counterbalance to hegemonic power. Let's take a look at the Trump tariffs, for example.

Without China's reciprocal measures against US tariffs, would the US have suspended tariff increases on other countries? Without China's push for trade liberalisation and multilateral low-tariff policies, would Europe's resistance have been effective?And without China's continued climate efforts, would Europe's decades-long call for a low-carbon future hold weight? It is clear that China and Europe today face an increasingly uncertain global landscape. Our future relationship must move beyond the preconceived “triple positioning” of partners, competitors or institutional opponents and instead focus on pragmatic cooperation that advances human progress, national development and social welfare.

For China, Europe must be seen beyond the imagined concept of “the West” and acknowledged for its strategic autonomy and importance.

China should recognise Europe's key role in the global industrial chain: Germany's automotive machinery and chemical medical equipment, France's nuclear energy and aerospace industries, the UK's biomedicine and financial services, and the Netherlands' agricultural technology and environmental protection.

Cooperation in these advanced fields could deepen mutual strategic trust. Europe has long been China's economic competitor, a vital partner in shaping a multipolar international order and a stakeholder in global issues. In short, China and Europe need a conceptual reset to adjust their perceptions.

We must acknowledge that our similarities outweigh our differences. Differences in public opinion must not obstruct necessary cooperation. Both sides need to see each other as sources of partnership, profit and friendship rather than conflict or zero-sum rivalry.

Developments in May this year suggest progress in this direction after China and the European Parliament agreed to lift restrictions on mutual exchanges. The full resumption of legislative exchanges promises deeper understanding and cooperation, helping both sides overcome suspicion and move toward sustained,healthy and stable development.